Jeff Bensen, Recreation Forester

Santa Barbara District (SBRD)
3505 Paradise Road
Santa Barbara, CA 93105

Re: Winchester Gun Club Special Use Permit Renewal

Dear Jeff Bensen,

By this letter, the Conservation Committee of the American Rock Art Research Association requests that you add our organization to those members of the public who are interested in, and wish to be kept informed of, the progress of the special use permit renewal application for the Winchester Gun Club (T5N, R28W, Sec 18 & 19; T5N, R29W, Sec 13 & 14, SBBM).

The American Rock Art Research Association is a national non-profit organization whose founding members, in 1974, dedicated the organization to rock art research, education and conservation. Our three standing committees work throughout the year on theses issues.   Our Conservation Committee is responsible for ARARA's organizational mandate to advocate and support cultural resource management initiatives on public lands which further the protection of our national rock art cultural heritage.

In this spirit, ARARA wishes to go on record in support of the conservation and protection of   the pictographs within the painted caves, and the surrounding cultural landscape, which comprise the Knapp Caves Site (aka CA-Sba-509, Husahkiw - Chumash Wind Caves).

ARARA recognizes the inherit conflict in land use values that results from the inappropriate location of the Winchester Gun Club shooting range adjacent to this vulnerable cultural resource site.   The Knapp Caves represent a high cultural value and are qualified for listing on the State and National Registers of Historic Places.

ARARA is cognizant and appreciates preservation actions that the Forest Service has taken to date, which include restricting public access to the site to guided tours, closure of the long bore range in 1998, placing restrictions on gun club activities which would result in shot fall or detritus in the San Jose Creek Basin, installation of physical site improvements (signing, fencing, and flagstone placement), and maintaining volunteer site steward monitors at the site.

However, it is the position of the ARARA Conservation Committee that requests from local Native American groups, who have a keen, ongoing religious interest in the Knapp Caves site, should be honored.   In particular, we find it reasonable, and responsible, that the Forest Service act to deny renewal of the Winchester Gun Club permit at its current location in that its ongoing activities and presence continue to diminish the exercise of traditional practices and values. Further, resources should be found to assess historic damage to the surrounding water and view sheds, and   any such damage once identified should be mitigated.

Once the Forest Service has acted to deny the renewal of the Winchester Gun Club permit, and has vacated it from the vicinity, we would look forward to the initiation of a cultural resource management planning process for the Knapp Caves site which would bring all interested members of the local native community, general public, and advocacy groups together to seek consensus on a sustainable future for this irreplaceable resource.

Sincerely,

Leigh Marymor  

Vice President, American Rock Art Research Association and

Acting Conservation Committee Chairperson

DOD page

California

Identifying sacred sites in California (Kroeber 1925; Heizer 1978; see ( Figure 4.3 ) that would accurately reflect the aboriginal religious traditions is extremely difficult. Spanish and then Mexican occupation of the coastal areas and their efforts to crush Native religious traditions have obliterated many of the specific shrines and sacred sites on the coastal plains and seacoasts. The forced tenure of many tribes at California missions virtually eliminated many native religious practices and made it impossible for survivors of the missions to preserve the body of their own traditions. Succeeding waves of American settlers, beginning with the gold rush, the agricultural and commercial development of the state, and the reduction of the surviving Indians to small reservations meant further loss of religious ritual knowledge and practice. Two different kinds of cultural overlay have occurred since the Indians of this state were practicing most of their religious rituals.

The state can be divided, for purposes of discussion, into northern and southern regions. Within the north region further division of the region into coastal-river tribes and mountain tribes is necessary. In the south three divisions can be made: coastal, desert and mountain peoples. The religious traditions, as they can best be reconstructed, differ considerably. Northern peoples have more similarity to the Klamath and Modoc peoples of southern Oregon than they do to the peoples of the southern part of California. Indian tribes in the south have a greater affinity to Nevada and Arizona desert tribes than they do to the peoples of northern California.

California's Native American Heritage Commission (CNAHC) has devised several basic categories of sacred sites for use in its inventory of locations within the state (California, State of 1995). Since it has a massive listing of locations, over 170,000, their classification will be followed in the initial discussion here. The CNAHC have identified some locations as Worship/Ritual or Sacred/Power sites. Worship/Ritual locations are sites where ceremonies are performed. Out of the 57 California counties, 34 contain these kinds of sites and 226 separate Worship/Ritual areas have been identified and listed with NAHC. There are 384 sites located in 33 California counties that come under the classification of Sacred/Power sites. These locations are generally places having unique geological formations which have been revered by Native peoples since pre-contact times and figure prominently in their traditions and stories. Typically they are springs, beaches, mountain tops, desert washes, caves, and viewing places. Here sacredness is defined by the emotional experiences associated with certain locations, remembered perhaps by occasional ceremonial or thanksgiving activities, but generally a network of places that helps to define the nature of the land itself.

Burial places, in the perspective of the California Native American Heritage Commission, constitute a class apart from the two basic topics listed above. There are 530 recorded burial sites in 51 California counties. These sites include areas where many burials are situated but other locations are identifiable graves that have been disturbed or places of re-internment. The California Indian Commission has recommended that the DoD contact individual tribes to ascertain information which might reveal those sites that fall within the general vicinity or within the present land holdings of military installations.

Just as useful in understanding the nature of California sacred sites would be to view three other types of sacred sites: those which represent the creation or migration traditions, ancient villages with accompanying burials, and places for gathering medicines and materials for ceremonies. Planting knowledge is a major element of southern California religious traditions and gathering plants for ceremonies is one of the most important activities of traditional people there. As tribal religions continue their resurgence, the creation/migration stories will be recited more often and people will want to retrace some of the paths which represent these things.

It is possible to identify areas and installations within specific California counties where the probability of burial sites being on military lands is extremely high. Riverside County, for example, home of March Air Force Base and Chocolate Mountain Gunnery Range, has 92 burial sites listed with the CNAHC. San Diego County has Miramar Naval Air Station, North Island Naval Air Station, and Camp Pendleton Marine Corps Base within its borders. The county has 154 sites presently identified as burial locations. Since the compilation of California Native American sacred sites is relatively recent and since these bases have used their lands for a considerable period of time, there is every reason to believe that many additional and as yet unrecorded sites exist within the limits of these bases. Absent a determined effort to identify new sites, DoD can anticipate that future construction on these bases may reveal more locations that would qualify for the CNAHC listing.

The Legacy program in California is substantially ahead of the national DoD trend, having a number of existing projects that are making a contribution to the resolution of the sacred sites question. Those installations projects are:

Vandenberg AFB - Worship/Ritual Sites and Burial Sites; Legacy Project # 35, FY91; Legacy Project # 447, FY92

Fort Hunter-Liggett Army Military Reservation - Burial Sites and Archaeological Sites; Legacy Project # 523, FY92

Naval Air Weapons Station, China Lake - Worship/Ritual Sites, Burial Sites and Archaeological Sites; UA(BARA), FY93

San Clemente Island, Naval Air Station, North Island San Diego - Burials and Archaeological Sites; Legacy Project # 33, FY91

San Nicolas Island Naval Air Station, North Island, San Diego - Burials and Archaeological Sites; Legacy Project # 437, FY92

Twenty-Nine Palms Marine Corps Base - Burial Sites and Sacred Power Sites; Legacy Project # 21, FY91

The Cahuilla (Bean et al. 1991) groups center their creation traditions in the Palm Springs region and have identified many places as sacred to their traditions. These locations seem to be confined to a specific area not adjacent to existing military bases. On the eastern shore of the Salton Sea, however, at a location known as Dos Palmas , the Cahuilla had a sacred site for Vision Quests and the training of religious leaders. This location is probably still in use although it appears to be some distance from the Gunnery Range.

Scattered communities of Chumash who lived along the California coastal areas may live in close proximity to coastal military installations but we believe their concerns would be directed primarily at the question of burials and remains of ancient villages. Since the coast was heavily populated by small villages which obtained their subsistence from the ocean and river tributaries, the chances of accidentally uncovering a location on military coastal lands that would be held as sacred, at least insofar as burials are concern, is reasonably high. Since both the Indian tribes and the state agencies are relatively aggressive about dealing with cultural/religious matters, military base commanders should have good working relationships with these people. Vandenburg Air Force base has a number of locations sacred to the Chumash which were used as Sacred/Power locations, and progress is already being made to deal with access to these locations.

The Coso Hot Springs within the China Lake Naval Air Weapons Station was used extensively by a number of Indian tribes, primarily the Owens Lake Paiutes and the Shoshones. It is already the subject of a Legacy Project and is discussed more extensively in Chapters Six and Eight.

Coalition to Save Husahkiw Wind Caves
315 North Soledad Street       Santa Barbara CA 93103 
(T) 805. 403.6744      (F) 805.564.6694

Comments and Objections on the Proposed Action and Consultation on the Wincheste r Canyon Gun Club Special Use Permit renewal (HRR 0507-54-109, USFS980105B)

            The Coalition to Save Husahkiw is opposed to the further extension or renewal of the Winchester Canyon Gun Club Permit.

There are numerous environmental issues relevant to the Coalition to Save Husahkiw's opposition to the further extension and/or renewal of the special use permit. First of all, lead is universally recognized to be one of the most persistent and toxic substances known to man. Lead migrates readily when introduced into the environment. Shooting results in adverse noise impacts on wildlife and forest users. Shooting threatens public safety and endangers hikers, bird watchers and residents. One person was hit by an errant built while watching a forest fire from a public road. In another, instance a Gun Club employee went on a shooting rampage. Risks of fire danger is increased due to the discharge of weapons and large quantities of broken glass and trash are discarded by shooters in and around the area. Illegal discharge of weapons has historically been associated with the shooting range, and has cumulatively resulted in the general trashing of the entire cultural landscape.

            Of further concern to the Coalition to Save Husahkiw are the adverse noise impacts to the cultural resources and landscape associated with the Chumash Indian rock paintings sites in the basin,   known as" Husahkiw" or wind caves in Chumash, which are located in and around the gun club property. The Coalition to Save Husahkiw has in the past participated in other campaigns to protect the traditional, religious, and legal rights of Native Americans. The Coalition to Save Husahkiw considers environmental and social justice issues regarding the preservation of Chumash cultural resources and landscapes to be a Chapter priority.

CULTURAL RESOURCES AND PROTECTION OF CULTURAL LANDSCAPES  

            The " Husahkiw" rock paintings and cultural landscape associated with the Winchester Canyon Gun Club site is well documented as CA-SBA-509, commonly known as the Knapp site, or Indian caves. The " Husahkiw" site, like Petroglyph National Monument, is qualified for National Monument designation. It is an internationally recognized archaeological site, known to be one of the most significant in North America due to the unique polychrome images.

            For thousands of years the Chumash held sacred the cultural landscape and rock shelters and caves in and immediately around the site presently occupied by the gun club shooting range. On the interior walls of these caves they created highly decorative and symbolic multi-colored rock paintings. These abstract images were created from natural pigments and may depict the artists' visions of their sprit world as reviled during ritual vision quests, creatures that inhabit the earth, and tribal and personal exploits.

            Scientific study has found that acoustic influences of echoing at rock paintings sites around the world are a fundamental influence on the selection of such sites by the artists. Attached for your review is a copy of the treatise entitled Psychoacoustic Influences of the Echoing Environments of Prehistoric Art , by Steven Waller, Ph.D. 2002, incorporated herein by this reference. (See also the "Rock Art Acoustics" web page at URL http://www.geocities.com/CapeCanaveral/9461). The author, Steven Waller, Ph.D., documents the relevance and significance of acoustical properties of rock paintings sites, and cultural landscapes, and concludes that the acoustical properties of rock paintings sites such as CA- SBA- 509 are important and must be considered in proper conservation and preservation of such sites.

            The Forest Service has failed and refused to listen to previous Forest Archaeologist, The Coalition to Save Husahkiw, and other interested parties who contend that the noise of gun fire from the gun club shooting range denigrate the properties of the CA-SBA-509 rock paintings site and the cultural landscape of the basin, and therefore constitute and adverse effect that can not be mitigated.

            Unfortunately, the presence of the shooting range at the site also creates an unreasonably dangerous risk of harm, and exposure to lead and otherwise interferes with the rights of the indigenous peoples to access, and to express and exercise traditional religious and cultural practices. In addition, the discharge of weapons has caused serious and irreparable damage to the sacred rock paintings, and unreasonably interferes with the sanctity and quiet enjoyment of these sacred places and the cultural landscape of the entire basin.

            The American Indian Religious Freedom Act (42 USCS 1996) requires that American Indians have the inherent right of freedom to believe, express, and exercise their traditional religious practices, and to have unimpeded access to sites, use and possess sacred sites and objects, and have the freedom to worship through ceremonials and traditional rights without impediments.

            Moreover, the Act further requires that administrative practices, regulations or directives of the federal government, or agencies such as the Forest Service, not impede the inherent right of any Native American to believe, express, and exercise his or her traditional religion, or otherwise discourage the freedom of religious expression by Native Americans.

            All of the previously enacted protective measures taken by both the Gun Club and the Forest Service have failed to adequately and effectively protect the sacred cultural landscape in the basin from noise pollution and physical destruction. The adverse impacts to the acoustics of the site from shooting cannot be mitigated, and therefore in and of itself constitute an adverse effect that precludes a finding of no adverse effect.

              The further extension of, or reissuance of the gun club permit, by its very nature, therefore, constitutes an adverse effect and is a serious and significant impediment to the practices and preservation of Native American traditional values in this sensitive cultural resource area. Notwithstanding the risk of endangerment to the individuals within the vicinity of the shooting range, the noise impacts on the acoustics of the site, the aesthetic impact of shooting upon traditional practices, the physical impact on the rock paintings caused by the discharge of weapons, the nexus of the gun club facilities are inherently inappropriate, in conflict with, and substantially in interferes with and inhibits the traditional ceremonial, religious, and sacred use and preservation of the cultural landscape.  

            Such Native American sacred sites are an integral and vital part of the Native American community, tribal vitality and cultural integrity, which is so much a part of the Native American cultural renaissance. Lack of sensitivity to Native American's heritage sites and cultural landscape values is exactly what compelled Congress to enact legislation, which restricts agencies discretion for the sake of site-specific requirements associated with the free exercise of Native American religions.

            Furthermore, the Forest Service in this undertaking has failed to properly comply with the notification and conference of tribal members, and interested parties, as required by the Historic Preservation Act, § 106. The Forest Service has failed and refused to consult with interested parties, and The Coalition to Save Husahkiw pursuant to the mandate of 36 CFR section 800 & 803 et seq. therefore the whole process is flawed. This failure alone is a fundamental violation of due process of law and constitutes sufficient grounds for litigation.

THE FOREST SERVICE HAS NOT CONSULTED WITH THE COALITION TO SAVE HUSAHKIW

            The Coalition to Save Husahkiw has requested to be a consulting party in the Section 106 process regarding the undertaking. The Forest Service has not consulted with the Coalition to Save Husahkiw, and has refused the Coalitions request to be identified and/or to participate as a consulting party in the Section 106 process, despite our long-standing position that the location and proximity of the Gun Club and it's shooting activities are inappropriate, damage the cultural landscape, and violate the applicable laws as previously stated above. (The Native American Religious Freedom Act (42 USCS 1996; 36 CFR section 800 et seq.)

            The position and concerns of the Coalition to Save Husahkiw as stated on the record in this undertaking are not consistent with a No Adverse Effect determination. The unique natural acoustics and geography of the sites cultural landscape, and it's nexus to the traditional religious and cultural practices by Native Americans, and the unique psychoacoustic qualities at the site has not been adequately addressed and documented.             The simple fact is the Gun Club operation and noise dramatically impacts the sanctity of the area. Simply halting the shooting by the Gun Club several days annually fails to avoid the negative noise impacts to the sacred site.   The location of the Gun Club adjacent to and in close proximity to Husahkiw is akin to having a shooting range, and all the associated noise, trash and toxic pollution, in similar proximity to the Vatican. It would destroy the cultural landscape of the Vatican. The Forest Services failure to recognize this demonstrates a blatant institutional disregard for the cultural landscape.

            Moreover, the Coalition to Save Husahkiw recently adopted an additional formal resolution endorsing the designation of the entire Area of Potential Effect as a State Historic Site, and further supporting the efforts of Native Americans to seek appropriate preservation of the cultural landscape of the basin.

            Further, The Coalition to Save Husahkiw is opposed to limiting Native American access to the site, as well as the interested public. Therefore, concern over the proposal to limit access to the site is opposed by the Coalition to Save Husahkiw. The Coalition to Save Husahkiw features prompt closure and clean up of the Gun Club, development of a Husahkiw Historic Park. The facility should include a visitor center, museum, cultural center, village site, trails, restrooms, parking and security by Native Americans.  

            The Coalition to Save Husahkiw respectfully requests that you not concur with the Forest's finding of no adverse effect on the grounds that the consultation program undertaken by the Forest failed to consider the views, concerns, and knowledge of the Los Padres Chapter of the Sierra Club that have been articulated on this matter since 1996. The Coalition to Save Husahkiw has long demonstrated interest in the undertaking and therefore has relation to the undertaking and the cultural landscape that legally entitles The Sierra club to be consulting parties.   .

            Pursuant to the applicable sections of 36 CFR part 800, the Coalition to Save Husahkiw seeks assistance from the Council regarding the instant undertaking.   The Coalition to Save Husahkiw has notified the State Historic Preservation Office (SHPO) of its request to be a participant in the Section 106 process and has sought intervention by the SHPO.

            The Coalition to Save Husahkiw has been a participant in the administrative NEPA process, and the Section 106 process since 1996, by virtue of having provided comments, by having a strong interest in the cultural landscape involved and affected by the undertaking. In addition the Coalition to Save Husahkiw has a policy of seeking social justice for Native Americans, and has legal standing because it has already informally participated in the Section 106 process by virtue of having provided advocacy on behalf of individual Chumash, and the Indigenous Youth Foundation, a Chumash non-profit educational organization.

            The Sierra Club strongly objects to the Forest Service's ex parte communication with the SHPO without involving the Coalition to Save Husahkiw, when it is well established that Sierra Club is a nationally recognized organization that has specifically requested consulting party status and had demonstrated participation and interest in the undertaking far beyond that of any other consulting parties participant.

            In this case there is clearly a contentious dispute, see the attached correspondence dated May 15, 2003, from Maeton Freel, District Ranger. This letter is nothing more than an arbitrary and capricious summary dismissal of the Sierra Club's request without any showing whatsoever of a meritorious rational.

            Compounding the Forest Services above listed conduct has been its obstructionist behavior in refusing Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests by the Coalition to Save Husahkiw and members of the Chumash Community. The Sierra Club has been awaiting FOIA responses for over two years, and appeals are pending. The Forests bad faith unresponsiveness to lawful FOIA requests constitutes a NEPA due process violation, a violation of the Administrative Procedures Act, and are legally actionable.

            Please be advised, that individual Sierra Club members have submitted FOIA requests for all records documenting the deliberations leading to the decision to exclude The Coalition to Save Husahkiw as a consulting party.

LEAD AND TOXICS POLLUTING THE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE

            Anyone can access the wealth of factual informational resources on the internet relevant to the subject of shooting ranges, lead and toxic antimony, arsenic, chromium, copper, and Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbon (PHA) contamination which results from the operation and maintenance of outdoor firing ranges.   The specific " Best Management Practices" and industry policies employed by various other outdoor shooting ranges, and various regulatory and governmental agencies are well known, and well published. Some of these relevant documents are attached hereto and incorporated herein as set forth in full by this reference, other relevant documents will be provided under separate cover.  

            The Winchester Canyon Gun Club site is located in the Los Padres National Forest, approximately fifteen miles north of the Santa Barbara metropolitan area the site is approximately five miles west of Highway 154 on West Camino Cielo. The Gun Club site comprises approximately 85 acres, in addition to lead fallout sites off the actual permitted Gun Club site.

            The shooting ranges and fallout zones at the site are located at the top of San Jose Creek watershed, runoff from which may contaminate plants, animals, humans, and local creeks, ground water, and ultimately Lake Cachuma, and/or the Santa Inez River.

            The cultural landscape in the basin area includes numerous rock paintings sites for miles around in all directions. The environment supports a dense chaparral growth and its accompanying fauna including but not limited to, California Ground Squirrel, Dusky-footed Woodrat, Mule Deer, Mountain Lion, Black Bear, Coyote, Gray Fox, Bobcat, Raccoon, and Ring-tailed Cat. The common bird species include but are not limited to, Scrub Jay, Brown Towhee, Spotted Towhee, Red-tailed Hawk, Turkey Vulture, Valley Quail, Mourning Dove, and numerous raptors, and includes habitat for the endangered California Condor.   In addition numerous residential properties are located adjacent, and down slope from the shooting range, all of which are potentially threatened by lead contamination.

            Native Americans and the interested public are unreasonably threatened by exposure to lead and other toxics at the site.

MITIGATION MEASURES

            Many established Best Management Practices which are required in order to implement proper mitigation measures and best technologies as set forth by the Environmental Protection Agency's guidelines titled "Best Management Practices for Lead at Outdoor Shooting Ranges" and other Best Management Practices for outdoor shooting ranges that are the industry standard are further set forth in the attachments.

            Best Management Practices are defined, such as discontinuing the use of lead, construction of impoundment's, traps, berm collectors, impermeable liners, sumps, recycling of lead, use of limestone, prevention of lead migration, grading, channeling, and collection of toxics, all should be required to be implemented before consideration of any extension of the permit. The Special Use Permit should not be issued until the existing contamination present at the site is cleaned up and all of the "Best Management Practices" and mitigation measures are effectuated, and a sufficient bond posted, to insure proper cleanup of the site.

            The use of the Gun Club site as a shooting range should be discontinued entirely since this use directly impacts and deprecates the cultural landscape of the sacred rock paintings sites in the basin, and constitutes an unreasonable and outrageous safety risk to Native Americans who exercise ceremonial use of those sites.

            There is simply no way the adverse noise pollution and impacts to the cultural landscape of the basin resulting from the discharge of weapons in the area can be mitigated or construed to have no adverse effect.

POSTING OF A BOND TO INSURE CLEANUP RESPONSIBILITY

            One important "Best Management Practice" as specifically set forth in the relevant industry literature, and included in the administrative record, is the best management practice which dictates that the Gun Club should be required to implement the best available technologies directed toward mitigation, as well as post a bond to be used to clean up the contamination already existing at the site, as well as future cleanups.

             Pursuant to the most current relevant informational resources on the subject, the average outdoor shooting range can within two to three years have accumulated lead contamination equivalent to a five-acre superfund site. The Winchester Canyon Gun Club site has been in use without any clean up or mitigation measures since at least the 1960s, with the location of the various ranges changing over time. The site location itself is inherently unsuitable for an outdoor shooting range because it is located on steep terrain, which is covered with dense chaparral with numerous rock outcroppings rather than the typical flat range cleared of all vegetation. This presents a more complex and costly problem for monitoring, mitigation, and clean up.

            Further, the Gun Club has for decades failed to implement any industry standard "Best Management Practices", and continues to state on the record that the Gun Club has no money for such standard industry operational costs. The Gun Club also has repeatedly complained that it can't even afford to pay the de minimus yearly fee currently charged by the Forest Service, as per the Special Use Permit.

            Therefore, it is suggested that the minimum bond required for an outdoor shooting range site of this size, and complexity, (over 85 mountainous acres) and used for decades, be at least one million dollars. Otherwise, in this day and age of business entities routinely using the bankruptcy statues to escape liability, the taxpaying public will end up paying the cleanup costs for the gun club.  

            The Forest Service would be doing a disservice to the public to continue to allow a small group of gun owners to forever destroy and pollute the cultural landscape of such an important National Historic site as " Husahkiw ", just to practice shooting their weapons for recreation at public expense.

            A shooting range can be relocated, unfortunately archeological sites and cultural landscapes cannot.

FAILURE OF THE GUN CLUB TO COMPLY WITH THE SPECIAL USE PERMIT TERMS  

            The Gun Club has failed to comply with the express terms and limitations of the existing Special Use Permit and therefore no further extension, and or renewal should occur. There are numerous documented accounts of unauthorized shooting and lead testing contained in incident reports in the file regarding Gun Club members shooting shot guns and sporting clays outside the club boundaries. As well as the Gun Clubs practice of " Wild West Days" shooting of target dummies dressed as American Indians.

            The Gun Club has failed to protect the cultural resource sites, and has failed to prevent the continued desecration of the rock paintings, and has generally trashed the cultural landscape of the entire basin. The Gun Club has also failed to implement any

" Best Management Practices", and/or to properly clean up the tons of broken glass and trash on the site.

            The record clearly evidences the fact that the gun club unlawfully expanded their permitted area from 25 acres to over 100 acres without any permits. While the Forest Service has apparently turned a blind eye to this fact it is doubtful that a Federal Judge will do the same.

CONCLUSION

            The Forest Service is attempting to perpetrate a fraud on the Office of Historic Preservation, and the Advisory Council for Historic Preservation by requesting concurrence with it's alleged consultation and determination of no adverse effect, not only for the continued unreasonable temporary one year permits, (temporary since 1996) but for the permit for the long-term Gun Club operation before the completion of NEPA review, and the public release of an environmental assessment, and subsequent environmental impact statement.

            The continued operation of the gun club shooting range, and/or extension of the special use permit is inherently depreciating of the environment, and incompatible with the long-term preservation of the adjacent sacred Chumash rock paintings sites and the cultural landscape of the basin. Further repeated extensions of the gun club permit under the circumstances violates the express provisions of the American Indian Religious Freedom Act which specifically bars directives or administrative practices by Federal Agencies that interfere with Indian peoples access to their historic religious sites. Further, repeated extensions of the gun club permit under the circumstances not only violates the Historic Preservation Act and applicable laws, it is clearly a bad faith effort to avoid full environmental review as required by law.

            The Coalition to Save Husahkiw, as well as members of the public are tried of government agencies subsidizing the destructive practices of special interests groups, such as logging, mining, grazing, and shooting ranges, on public lands. The Gun Club has turned the site into a mountain of lead. The Gun Club should be required to clean-up the site, so "Husahkiw" and the cultural landscape of the basin can finally be preserved and designated as a National Historic Site.

            The Coalition to Save Husahkiw is working with several organizations in the Tri-Counties such as, the Los Padres Sierra Club and the Coalition Against Gun Violence.   The Sierra Club has over 8,000 members. The Executive Committee of the Sierra Club adopted a formal resolution opposing the extension or renewal of the gun club special use permit on the grounds cited herein above.

            The Coalition to Save Husahkiw opposes the finding of no adverse effect, and objects to the Forests rejection of the request to be identified and invited to participate as consulting parties in the Section 106 process regarding the Winchester Canyon Gun Club special use permit. The entire consultation program has been a sham.   Thank you in advance for your consideration of these comments and the attached materials incorporated herein by reference.

            It is time that the Forest Service stop avoiding, and obstructing lawful public participation in the NEPA process, and Section 106 review. The Coalition to Save Husahkiw fully expects a resolution that requires the Forest Service to identify and invite The Coalition to Save Husahkiw to participate as consulting parties in this undertaking.   Only then can meaningful NEPA review of the proposed undertaking be conducted. Such review must include a full and complete consideration of adverse effects to the acoustics of the site caused by the presence of the gun club noise, trash, and toxic pollution, and consideration of the cultural landscapes unique acoustic qualities, and their significance to the Chumash people who created the work.

Sincerely Yours,

Monique Sonoquie

Coordinator, Coalition to Save Husahkiw

                                                               Laurence W. Spanne

                                                               4451 Northoaks Drive

                                                               Lompoc, CA   93436-1020

July 18, 2003

Jeanine Derby

Forest Supervisor

Los Padres National Forest

Dear Ms Derby:

It has come to my attention that your office is in the process of issuing a term special use permit to the Winchester Canyon Gun Club (WCGC) to operate and maintain an existing target range within Los Padres National Forest, Santa Barbara Ranger District.   As a native of this area, professional archaeologist, and cultural resources manager residing locally, I have a number of concerns about issuance of the permit.

Since the 1960s I have enjoyed visiting and hiking in the Santa Ynez Mountains.   I am familiar with the Winchester Canyon Gun Club and have attempted on numerous occasions to visit the nearby Chumash Indian Caves and associated rock art site (CA-SBA-509).   Each time I drove to the area, parked, and attempted to walk to the site, I had to turn back because of the sound of nearby gunfire or the sight of large numbers of people discharging their firearms from the edge of West Camino Cielo Road.   Even when the shooters were not visible, my anxiety level increased because I had no idea in which direction the bullets were flying.

The multiple use of this location for Chumash Indian traditional purposes, public education, scientific investigation, and target shooting is clearly undesirable and should be phased out by developing a plan to move the Winchester Canyon Gun Club to another, less controversial location within Los Padres National Forest.   While one could argue that the club has utilized the location for many years, creation and use of the cultural sites date to a much earlier time.   Furthermore, that use has not been without problems.   While most of the club members may have behaved in a responsible manner, the existence of the target range has attracted non-members who neither respect the established rules nor the boundaries of the range.   I have personally observed shooters who are out-of-bounds and firing in the direction of the cultural sites.   I have also heard many stories of damage to the rock art sites, shooting in the direction of persons who were visiting there and other disrespectful behavior--sometimes on the part of club members.

Other agencies such as the U. S. Air Force, National Park Service, and California Department of Parks and Recreation go to great lengths to safeguard the setting and feeling around sites as significant and fragile as CA-SBA-509.   The idea of locating a firing range in such close proximity to a sacred site would be unthinkable.   At nearby Vandenberg Air Force Base, planners go to great lengths to ensure that Chumash access to such sites is not impeded and the natural ambience is maintained as much as possible within the constraints of the military mission.

In closing, I strongly urge that you not extend or renew the permit of the Winchester Canyon Gun Club because its operation is incompatible with other, longer-standing traditional use of the area..   I suggest you look elsewhere within the local area of the Los Padres National Forest for suitable locations where a firing range might be established.   Finally, I respectfully request that my name be placed on the mailing list to be informed of any public hearings or meetings pertaining to this action, and to receive any related archaeological or National Environmental Policy Act documentation for review.

Thank you very much for your attention to my concerns.

Yours sincerely,

Laurence W. Spanne

Cc   Dr. Knox Mellon, SHPO

       President's Advisory Council on Historic Preservation

       Congresswoman Lois Capps

DIRECTOR'S ORDER #47: SOUNDSCAPE PRESERVATION AND NOISE MANAGEMENT

Approved: /s/ Robert Stanton

Robert Stanton, Director

Effective Date: December 1, 2000

Sunset Date: December 1, 2004

Table of Contents

A. Purpose and Background

B. Authority

C. Instructions and Requirements

1.       Applicable Policies

2.       Reference Manual

3.       Soundscape Preservation and Noise Management Planning

4.       Interim Noise Management Measures

5.       Inventorying and Monitoring the Soundscape

6.       Establishing Soundscape Preservation Objectives

7.       Defining Impacts on Park Soundscapes

8.       Constructive Engagement

9.       Air Tour Management Planning

10.      Interpreting the Soundscape to Visitors

11.      National Program Steering Committee

D.Definitions

A. PURPOSE AND BACKGROUND

The purpose of this Director's Order is to articulate National Park Service operational policies that will require, to the fullest extent practicable, the protection, maintenance, or restoration of the natural soundscape resource in a condition unimpaired by inappropriate or excessive noise sources.

Natural Sounds and the NPS Mission. An important part of the NPS mission is to preserve and/or restore the natural resources of the parks, including the natural soundscapes associated with units of the national park system. Natural sounds are intrinsic elements of the environment that are often associated with parks and park purposes. They are inherent components of "the scenery and the natural and historic objects and the wild life" protected by the NPS Organic Act. They are vital to the natural functioning of many parks and may provide valuable indicators of the health of various ecosystems. Intrusive sounds are of concern to the NPS because they sometimes impede the Service's ability to accomplish its mission.

Intrusive sounds are also a matter of concern to park visitors. As was reported to the U.S. Congress in the "Report on the Effects of Aircraft Overflights on the National Park System," a system-wide survey of park visitors revealed that nearly as many visitors come to national parks to enjoy the natural soundscape (91 percent) as come to view the scenery (93 percent). Noise can also distract visitors from the resources and purposes of cultural areas--the tranquility of historic settings and the solemnity of memorials, battlefields, prehistoric ruins, and sacred sites.

Increasingly, even those parks that appear as they did in historical context do not sound like they once did. Natural sounds are being masked or obscured by a wide variety of human activities. In some parks, natural sounds are disappearing at such a rate that some may be gone before their existence can even be documented. Thus, soundscape preservation and noise management is one more dimension of the complex problem of achieving the NPS mission of preserving park resources unimpaired for the enjoyment of present and future generations.

Appropriate and Inappropriate Noise. Park purposes are defined in enabling legislation or proclamations, and through a comprehensive public planning process. Park purposes may be highly varied, in the same way that activities appropriate to each park's purpose may be highly varied. Park activities may include transportation systems, visitor centers, maintenance activities, recreational activities, weapons-firing demonstrations, cultural events, and many others. These activities are often found to be appropriate even though they generate elevated sound levels for areas within the parks. However, when activities (whether inside or outside a park) generate excessive levels of noise, they can jeopardize the natural soundscape resource and/or the purposes for which the park was created.

Addressing the Problem. This Director's Order addresses the problem of excessive/ inappropriate levels of noise. It directs park managers to (1) measure baseline acoustic conditions, (2) determine which existing or proposed human-made sounds are consistent with park purposes, (3) set acoustic management goals and objectives based on those purposes, and (4) determine which noise sources are impacting the park and need to be addressed by management. Furthermore, it requires park managers to (1) evaluate and address self-generated noise, and (2) constructively engage with those responsible for other noise sources that impact parks to explore what can be done to better protect parks. In this regard, the Service will give appropriate recognition and weight to the vital missions of other government agencies, such as the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) and the military services, and respect the rights of park neighbors.

B. AUTHORITY

Authority to issue this Director's Order is contained in the National Park Service Organic Act, as amended (16 USC 1 through 4), and delegations of authority contained in Part 245 of the Department of the Interior Manual.

C. INSTRUCTIONS AND REQUIREMENTS

To accomplish the purpose of this Director's Order, the NPS will apply the following requirements to its soundscape preservation and noise management activities.

1. Applicable Policies

Soundscape preservation and noise management activities will be subject to the policies contained in NPS Management Policies. The portions of Management Policies that are most pertinent to this topic are: Chapter 1, Introduction; Chapter 4, Natural Resource Management; Chapter 5, Cultural Resource Management; Chapter 6, Wilderness Preservation and Management; and Chapter 8, Use of the Parks. Policies in the form of regulations covering general audio requirements are published in title 36, section 2.12, of the Code of Federal Regulations. Policy on the regulation of commercial air tourism is established by Public Law 106-181, and implementing FAA regulations.

2. Reference Manual

The Associate Director for Park Operations and Education will develop and maintain a reference manual (RM-47) to provide comprehensive guidance on soundscape preservation and noise management. The reference manual will include applicable policies and procedures; technical guidance on planning, inventory, monitoring, education, noise prevention and mitigation; and other information that will help field managers and staff to meet their responsibilities.

3. Soundscape Preservation and Noise Management Planning

Superintendents will address the preservation of natural soundscapes and the elimination, mitigation, or minimization of inappropriate noise sources through NPS planning processes (see Director's Order #2: Park Planning ) and operations policies. Soundscape preservation and noise management can be addressed in appropriate sections of General Management Plans or through a variety of park implementation plans. If needed to deal with the complexity or urgency of a noise issue, a separate implementation plan (e.g., a Soundscape Preservation and Noise Management Plan as described in Reference Manual 47) will be developed. These park planning efforts will (1) describe the baseline natural ambient sound environment in qualitative and quantitative terms; (2) identify sound sources and sound levels consistent with park legislation and purposes; (3) identify the level, nature and origin of internal and external noise sources; (4) articulate desired future soundscape conditions; and (5) recommend the approaches or actions that will be taken to achieve those conditions or otherwise mitigate noise impacts.

4. Interim Noise Management Measures

Where noise management actions - particularly those related to park-generated noise or noise from sources covered by existing regulations - do not require a planning process with public participation, superintendents will act to lessen the impact of noise in parks by identifying the inappropriate and intrusive noise sources and by implementing any immediately feasible mitigation or preventative measures. Noise Prevention and Mitigation Considerations in Reference Manual 47 will provide guidance in this process.

5. Inventorying and Monitoring the Soundscape

As needed for baseline resource inventory, soundscape preservation and noise management planning, development of interim management measures, commercial air tour management planning purposes, or for other plans (general management plans, commercial services plans, use management plans, etc.), superintendents will inventory and monitor park soundscapes as described in Reference Manual 47. The information provided from inventory and monitoring is essential to understanding the relationship between the baseline natural soundscape and human-made components of the soundscape--existing and proposed. This information (1) makes it possible to better understand the resource that needs to be protected and the appropriate and inappropriate sources of noise; (2) enables a park to define acoustic goals for different parts of the park, and to determine the nature and level of impacts; and (3) suggests where management intervention can most effectively contribute to protecting park resources and improving the visitor experience consistent with park purposes. Monitoring over time will allow measurement of progress toward defined acoustic goals.

6. Establishing Soundscape Preservation Objectives

In the planning process, acoustic objectives must be established to define the desired future soundscape conditions of parks. These objectives must be consistent with park purposes and plans, as well as with the goal of returning the soundscape to as near natural conditions as possible over time - while allowing visitors to access and enjoy the park in a manner consistent with park management goals. The timeframe for this restoration will be a function of local conditions and will be established in appropriate planning documents.

The fundamental principle underlying the establishment of soundscape preservation objectives is the obligation to protect or restore the natural soundscape to the level consistent with park purposes, taking into consideration other applicable laws. Where natural soundscape conditions are currently not impacted by inappropriate noise sources, the objective must be to maintain those conditions. Where the soundscape is found to be degraded, the objective is to facilitate and promote progress toward the restoration of the natural soundscape. This basic principle is modified by two circumstances:

(a) The first is where the Congress has legislated (e.g., through park legislation, the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act, the Wendell H. Ford Aviation Investment and Reform Act for the 21 st Century) specific provision for noise-making activities, and then only to the extent that the noise cannot be contained below certain levels consistent with that activity. If, for example, congressional action provided for a noise-producing activity in or next to a national park, the soundscape management goal would be to reduce the noise to the level consistent with the best technology available - to mitigate the noise impact, but not adversely affect the authorized activity.

(b) The second circumstance relates to noise-generating activities that are appropriate to the park under the NPS Organic Act and other relevant legislation related to natural and cultural resource management or the provision of visitor services. This includes many appropriate management and maintenance activities, visitor and permittee activities, concession operations, etc. In these situations, soundscape management goals are to reduce noise to minimum levels consistent with the appropriate service or activity, as long as that service or activity continues to be needed. It is critical that the Service lead by example and not impose conditions on others that the Service is not itself prepared to implement. Where appropriate new services or activities are initiated consistent with park management plans, soundscape management goals will be adjusted to the extent necessary to facilitate the service or activity. Another consideration in this regard is the management of permitted noise-generating activities, such as concerts in urban parks, to ensure that noise is kept to levels that will not adversely impact residents of adjacent neighborhoods.

7. Defining Impacts on Park Soundscapes

In planning for soundscape preservation and noise management, superintendents must use the best science available to determine the impact of existing or proposed noise sources on the soundscape, wildlife, aquatic and marine life, cultural resources, other resources and values, and the visitor experience, as appropriate. With respect to determinations related to the impacts of sound on the park soundscape, the natural soundscape is the "affected environment." Under 16 USC 1 et seq., the Service possesses broad and sole authority to manage the lands, resources, and visitors in the areas under its charge. The Service has the "special expertise" and "jurisdiction," as the terms are used in the National Environmental Policy Act and its implementing regulations, to determine the nature, extent, and acceptability of impacts on park resources and visitors. This includes determining the type, magnitude, duration, and frequency of occurrence of noise that is compatible or incompatible with protecting the resources or the visitor experience for which the park was established and planned, as well as determining the significance of noise levels or impacts. This may also include determining whether certain noise sources are necessary or appropriate. In some cases, it may be necessary for parks to conduct additional ecological and sociological studies to better understand the extent and nature of actual or potential impacts on park resources or visitors.

Even in those situations where the responsibility for assessing the noise impacts of its proposed action rests with another Federal agency, under guidance established by the Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ) in implementing the National Environmental Policy Act, the NPS has jurisdiction by law and expertise to determine the effects of that noise on units of the national park system. CEQ guidance indicates that these agencies must take NPS standards and evaluations into account in the evaluation of impacts.

8. Constructive Engagement

Superintendents must work constructively and cooperatively with those responsible for inappropriate sources of noise in parks, including NPS operations, permittees, visitors, commercial tours with or without commercial use permits, concessionaires, and park neighbors. In some cases, such as where there are aircraft overflights or noise sources located outside park boundaries, other agencies or entities may have jurisdiction over the noise-producing activity. However, where such activity impacts park resources or visitors, the Service has the obligation to protect and manage park resources and visitors, and Service jurisdiction may overlap or interact with the other agency's jurisdiction in complex ways. The vital missions of other government agencies such as the FAA and the military services, and park neighbors, must be given appropriate consideration in the process of setting soundscape preservation and noise management goals and objectives. The Service will work constructively with other agencies and entities to minimize and mitigate any impacts to park resources or visitors.

9. Air Tour Management Planning

Public Law 106-181 and implementing FAA regulations provide for a cooperative FAA/NPS public planning process to develop an Air Tour Management Plan (ATMP) when and where a commercial air tour operator seeks to provide tours over units of the national park system (the legislation exempts Grand Canyon National Park, Rocky Mountain National Park, and parks in Alaska from the process). The Service will assist the FAA in this localized process and determine the nature and extent of impacts on natural and cultural resources and visitor experience opportunities. The FAA, with responsibility for ensuring the safe and efficient use of the nation's airspace and for protecting the public health and welfare from aircraft noise, will lead the ATMP effort and regulate these commercial activities as provided for in the cooperative planning effort. The FAA and the NPS must approve and sign the environmental decision document required by NEPA, which may include a finding of no significant impact, an environmental assessment, or an environmental impact statement, and the record of decision for the ATMP. This requires superintendents to work cooperatively with the FAA, air tour operators, and other stakeholders in the development of these plans. Procedures for this interagency process, and plan content requirements, are provided in Reference Manual 47.

10. Interpreting the Soundscape to Visitors

Educating the American public about the nation's natural and cultural heritage is one of the fundamental responsibilities of the National Park Service and is central to its resource preservation efforts. Superintendents will use educational and interpretive materials (e.g. The Nature of Sound education materials) on the natural soundscape and its values to educate visitors about their soundscapes. Internally, NPS staff will lead by example by minimizing use of mechanical equipment, and by using the quietest and least impacting technologies available.

11. National Program Steering Committee

The Associate Director for Park Operations and Education may establish a program steering committee to promote consistency and improvement in NPS soundscape preservation and noise management efforts, and to facilitate interagency coordination and actions. The committee will (1) assess NPS progress toward natural soundscape restoration and preservation; (2) review programmatic needs and provide recommendations on resource needs; (3) identify and assess programmatic issues; and (4) provide recommendations and advice to establish accountability, consistency, and continuity within the program. An established committee will function until such time as the Associate Director determines the committee is no longer needed.

D. DEFINITIONS

The following definitions apply to this Director's Order:

1. Sound

A mechanical wave or an oscillation in pressure, stress, particle displacement, and particle velocity transmitted though solids, liquids, and gases--some types of which are able to cause a sensation of hearing. The vibration causes the propagation of sound waves. Basic analytical parameters of sound include: frequency, amplitude (related to sound pressure and intensity), envelope (shape of amplitude in time), spectrum and duration.

2. Soundscape

Soundscape refers to the total ambient acoustic environment associated with a given environment (sonic environment) in an area such as a national park. It is also refers to the total ambient sound level for the park. In a national park setting, this soundscape is usually composed of both natural ambient sounds and a variety of human-made sounds.

3. Natural Ambient Sound Level

The natural ambient sound level of a park is the natural soundscape of that park. It is comprised of the natural sound conditions in a park which exist in the absence of any human-produced noises. These conditions are actually composed of many natural sounds, near and far, which often are heard as a composite, not individually. In an acoustic environment subjected to high levels of human-caused sound, natural ambient sounds may be masked by other noise sources. The natural soundscape is an important resource of parks; there may also be important relationships between how this environment is perceived and understood by individuals and society. (Natural ambient sound is considered synonymous with the term "natural quiet.") This is the basis for determining the "affected environment" in NEPA documents and other environmental assessments related to human actions producing inappropriate or intrusive impacts on the park soundscape.

4. Background Sound Level

This is the sound level that can be measured in those situations where it is not possible to measure the natural ambient sound level with certainty because of high levels of human-caused sound, or where it is prohibitively expensive to measure natural ambient sound levels. In such situations, this level will be estimated using a statistic called L 90 , the sound level that is exceeded 90 percent of the time. This metric is often used in acoustics literature to characterize "background" or "ambient," and is incorporated, for example, in state laws in Massachusetts, Connecticut and Illinois.

5. Man-made Sound Levels

The ambient sounds attributable to human activities in national parks are defined as human-made sound. The sound levels associated with these sounds are actually composed of many human-made sounds, near and far, which may be heard individually or as a composite. In a national park setting, these sounds may be associated with activities that are essential to the park's purpose, they may be a by-product of park management activities, or they may come from outside the park. It is these sounds and sound levels that need to be measured and evaluated in park planning processes to determine whether they are consistent with or destructive to soundscape management objectives.

6. Noise

Noise is generally defined as an unwanted or undesired sound, often unpleasant in quality, intensity or repetition. This makes noise a subjective term and pushes society to address which sounds or aspects of sound constitute unwanted interruptions in specific situations. Noise is often a byproduct of desirable activities or machines. In a national park setting, noise is a subset of human-made noises. National park staff are responsible for analyzing the sound energy associated with human activities and defining which sounds are appropriate or necessary for park purposes within the various park management zones, and which sounds are inappropriate or impact park purposes within various park management zones.

---------- End of Director's Order----------

Manuscript of talk presented at ARARA conference May 2001 in Pendleton, OR;

for publication in American Indian Rock Art   (1069 words 7/3/01)

Sounds of the Spirit World

Steven J. Waller

DO NOT CITE IN ANY CONTEXT WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR

Steven J. Waller, Ph. D., 5381 Wellesley Street, La Mesa, CA 91942

(member, American Rock Art Research Association)

The ethnographically-recorded belief that rock faces are boundaries between an outer reality/world and a spirit world within the rock was discussed by Lewis-Williams and Dowson (1990) in "Through the Veil...", relative to its influence on rock art. The physics of sound reflection explains the perception of echoes as voices emanating from rock/air boundaries, as if there are beings calling out from behind the rock surface.   An interrelationship between these concepts is suggested, as supported by Bushman folklore (Bleek and Lloyd 1911): "O beast of prey! Thou art the one who hearest the place behind, it is resonant with sound."

La creencia registrada de la etnología que las caras de la roca son límites entre un mundo externo de la realidad y un mundo espiritual dentro de la roca fue discutido por Lewis-Williams y Dowson (1990) "Through the Veil (Adentro con el Velo)", concerniente a su influencia en arte rupestre. La física de la reflexión sonido explica la opinión de generaciones de eco como voces que emanan del límite entre la roca y el aire, como si haya seres que dicen en voz alta de detrás la superficie de la roca. Una correlación entre estos conceptos se sugiere, según lo utilizado por el leyenda de Bushman (Bleek y Lloyd, 1911): "Bestia de la presa! Usted es el quién oye el lugar detrás, él es resonante con el sonido."

This article explores a possible connection between sound and the San supernatural belief that a rock surface acts as a veil that separates the outer world from a spirit world within the rock.   This veil concept is highly relevant to rock art studies since there is evidence from South Africa that the rock surface was decorated because of the belief in the spirit world behind (Lewis-Williams and Dowson 1990).

A close analogy to this concept can be found in "Through the Looking Glass" by Lewis Carroll (1871).   In this tale, Alice sees objects reflected in the mirror's surface, and concludes there is another world on the other side of the glass, deep within the mirror.   This belief leads her to slip through the surface of the mirror into the magical land on the other side, where she discovers strange beings living in an altered reality.

We are so easily able to imagine Alice's world through the looking glass due to our own experience with mirrors.   We use the expression of looking "in" the mirror.   The optical illusion of depth is due to light reflection.   This characteristic property of mirrors to create the illusion of depth is a well-known architectural principle often exploited by interior decorators to provide a feeling of increased spaciousness.   Light waves emitted from objects travel in a straight line until they are bent when they encounter a boundary between two media of different densities, such as air and the metallized glass surface of a mirror.   Under the proper conditions the reflected light forms what is called in modern terms a virtual image.   Observers perceive this apparent reversed duplicate of the object as existing behind the plane of the mirror, since that is the direction from which the light rays appear to come (see Figure 1).  

In a similar fashion, modern acoustical physics describes how sound waves can be reflected by the boundary between air and a denser material such as rock.   Under the proper conditions, reflected sound is perceived as what is called in modern terms an echo: a duplicated, delayed sound that appears to come from the direction of the rock (again, see Figure 1, which applies equally well to sound wave reflection as to light wave reflection).   The auditory illusion produced is that of sound emerging from within the rock - behind the veil of the rock surface.   As an example of how real the experience can seem, one researcher said he first noticed rock art acoustics when he "heard a car 'drive' out of the Buckhorn panel" (William Biesele, personal communication 1997).

The phenomenon that echoes can be experienced as voices calling out from the rock, together with the illusion of depth due to sound reflection, could have been an inspiration for the belief in a spirit world within the rock 1 . Based on what is known globally of cultures that explain natural phenomena in terms of animism, this belief in a spirit world behind the veil of the rock surface would be a quite understandable response to sound reflection.   There are many legends from around the world that explain echoes as originating from supernatural spirits (Bonnefoy 1992 [Greek]; Jobes 1961 [South Pacific]; Gill and Sullivan 1992 [Paiute]; "Tepeyollotl" Encyclopedia Mythica 2001 [Aztec]).   Since echoes appear to originate from behind certain special rock surfaces, the spirits conceived as making the sounds were thus probably thought to dwell within those rocks.   The rock surface would consequently have been thought of as a veil between the spirits and the listener.  

A quotation from South African Bushman (San or /Xam) folklore dictated in 1878 by /Han=kasso lends credence to this hypothesis: "O beast of prey! Thou art the one who hearest the place behind, it is resonant with sound." (Bleek and Lloyd 1911).   In cultural context, the 'beast of prey' has been interpreted as a term of respect for a shaman, and 'the place behind' as the spirit world (Ouzman 2001).   The belief in the spirit world within the rock has been described as very important and relevant to rock art images that decorate the rock surface veil (Lewis-Williams and Dowson 1990).   Evidence shown by Lewis-Williams and Dowson that San rock art relates to their belief in a spirit world beyond the rock surface includes many examples of painted images emerging from cracks or holes within the rocks.   Painted San rock shelters have been found to produce echoes, e.g., Rose Cottage Cave (Ouzman 1997), and to exhibit other unusual acoustics (Sven Ouzman, personal communication 2000).

This chain of evidence leads to an indirect connection of sound and rock art that supplements direct observations of an association of sound reflection and rock art locations.   Many examples have been documented of rock art sites from around the world that have unusual acoustical properties such as echoes, supporting the theory of a connection between rock art and sound reflection (Waller 1993a, 1993b, 2000, 2001).   The thoughts expressed in this article serve as an example of how the acoustical theory of rock art motivation can embrace, enrich and amplify, rather than necessarily conflicting or competing with, other theories of rock art motivation.

It is the author's speculation that the rock art subject matter represents the images of the spirits that the artists envisioned to be causing the mysterious echoed sounds from behind the veil.   For example, anthropomorphic figures may have been inspired by echoes of voices, and zoomorphic figures by percussive echoes perceived as hoof beats.   Might therianthropes represent the spirits imagined upon hearing both hoof beat-like percussion echoes and voices emanating from the same place?   In a fashion similar to the conventions of modern cartoonists, abstract symbols such as circles and zigzag lines and starbursts may be the result of attempts to represent the sounds themselves.

A practical implication of the theoretical advances and experimental research results in rock art acoustics is that rock art conservation efforts should be expanded to preserve not just the images themselves, but also the acoustical properties of the sites.

[ Additional evidence added : In North America, Ojibway and Matagaming legends have been recorded that are remarkably similar to the case above, with parallels including: belief in a spirit world within the rock, spirit beings inside the rock producing many sounds such as heartbeat drumming and songs that echo, the rock wall appearing like a magic transparent window when viewed from within as if the paintings hung in the air, and sounds of voices heard around the paintings. (Conway 1993).]

Acknowledgements .   The author thanks: J. David Lewis-Williams for his help; Sven Ouzman for providing the Bushman quote and descriptions of San rock art acoustics; and my family Patrice, Jason and Julia for their support and sacrifices.

References Cited

Bleek, W. H. I. and L. C. Lloyd.

1911    "Doings of the Springbok VII. - 121", in Specimens of Bushman folklore . pp. 245-247. George Allen Company Ltd., London.

Bonnefoy, Y.  

1992     Greek and Egyptian Mythologies .   (Echo entry) Translated by W. Doniger, University of Chicago Press, Chicago.

Carroll, L.

1871     Through the Looking Glass and What Alice Found There, in Alice in Wonderland , ed. DJ Gray. (1971) WW Norton, New York.

Conway, T.

1993     Painted Dreams: Native American Rock Art .   pp. 149-157. Northword, Minocqua.

Gill, S. D., and I. F. Sullivan

1992     Dictionary of Native American Mythology , p. 79.   Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Jobes G.

1961     Dictionary of Mythology, Folklore and Symbols , p. 490.   Scarecrow Press, Inc.,             New York.

Lewis-Williams, J.D. and Dowson, T.A.

1990    Through the Veil: San Rock Paintings and the Rock Face. South African Archaeological Bulletin 45:5-16.

Ouzman, S.  

1997     Hidden in the common gaze: collective and idiosyncratic rock

            paintings at Rose Cottage Cave, South Africa. Navorsinge van die Nasionale

            Museum, Bloemfontein 13(6):225-256

2001     Seeing is deceiving: rock-art and the non-visual. Archaeology and Aesthetics World Archaeology.   (in press 2001)

"Tepeyollotl" Encyclopedia Mythica.

2001     http://www.pantheon.org/mythica/articles/t/tepeyollotl.html

[page accessed on 6/27/01]

Waller, S.J.

1993a   Sound and Rock Art.   Nature 363:501.

1993b   Sound Reflection as an Explanation for the Content and Context of Rock Art.   Rock Art Research 10:91-101.

•  Spatial Correlation of Acoustics and Rock Art Exemplified in Horseshoe Canyon.   American Indian Rock Art 24:85-94.

•  "Rock Art Acoustics" web page http://www.geocities.com/CapeCanaveral/9461

NOTES

1. This theoretical conjecture is speculative and purely academic; with all due respect for indigenous cultures and people of religious faith, the author acknowledges that spiritual beliefs are founded upon real experiences and ancestral truth.

FIGURE 1.   Diagram of light or sound wave reflection resulting in a virtual image apparently behind the reflecting plane.   Due to bending, the source waves of this visual or acoustic image are perceived to be coming through the reflecting plane, giving the illusion of permeability and depth.   R, reflecting surface (concave in this example); W, waves of light or sound; S, source; V, virtual image (magnified / amplified in this example); A, apparent waves of light or sound.

Matt McClain / Star staff

A.J. Wotruba, 35, puts up targets at the Ventura shooting range near Grant   Park. A study says there's so much lead in the soil at the range that it   would be considered hazardous waste if it was moved.

Lead contaminates soil at range
Ventura weighs future of city's shooting area
By John Scheibe, jscheibe@insidevc.com
April 27, 2003

Forty-six years of target practice at a Ventura gun range have left the soil heavily contaminated with lead, and city officials are not sure what to do   about it.   A recent city study showed there is so much bullet lead in the Grant Park range's soil that it would be considered hazardous waste if removed from the   site. Neighbors worry that storm runoff from the hillside, city-owned rangecould be contaminating their back yards below. "The results from this (study) are so profoundly disturbing that every city official should be clamoring for more tests," neighbor David Bianco said.

But even though the study recommended more tests on whether lead has leached   into nearby land and ground water, Ventura parks manager Mike Montoya   said no   more are planned -- at least not yet. Officials are exploring the cost of more tests, he said. He said the city also will consider costs in deciding whether to relocate the range, a move that could cost millions of dollars.   Mayor Ray Di Guilio said the city "needs to be absolutely sure that the public's health is not being endangered by lead contamination" from the range. But Di Guilio could not say whether that means more tests, because he had not yet read the study. The range, which opened in 1957 and sits above City Hall, is used by at least 17 law enforcement agencies, including the U.S. Secret Service, the California Youth Authority, the Internal Revenue Service and Oxnard police. Ventura police especially like it, because it's close to home and they can   respond quickly to emergencies that occur during training, Lt. Gary McCaskill   said.   Extent of pollution unknown . Officials fully expected the study would find large quantities of lead at the   site because lead bullets are the main source of ammunition at the range.

Scott Coe, the facility's range master, said at least 95 percent of the bullets end up in a dirt berm behind targets. The $20,000 study, prepared by Hamner, Jewell and Associates, and Rincon Consultants, both of Ventura, was part of an analysis of the potential relocation of the gun range.   The study showed that 19 of 22 soil samples taken at the range had levels of   lead more than 10 times the state limit -- enough to classify the soil as hazardous waste.   Ron Baker, a spokesman with the state Department of Toxic Substances Control, said such soil, if removed, would have to be taken to a special waste   disposal site so the lead would not leach into the ground water. Left alone, however, the contaminated soil probably would not leach into   ground water at the range, Baker said. Doug Beach, a county Division of Environmental Health manager, said lead tends to be stable in soil. But when it is taken to a dump, it can mix with   other chemicals, such as acids, and become much more unstable, he said. But even if unmixed with other chemicals, lead does deteriorate over time,   according to a University of Florida study published in 2000. The study found   that lead pellets in soil dissolve at a rate of about 1 percent a year. It   then can become airborne or enter the water system, according to the study.   Also, some of the lead-contaminated soil at the range has probably been   carried off the site by rain runoff and wind, Montoya conceded.  

The study did not test soils in areas surrounding the range. But Montoya said   any contaminated soil that drifted off site probably went into the city's drain system and on to the ocean. Despite neighbors' fears, Montoya said he   doubts any ended up in people's back yards.   Lead poisoning can attack the body's central nervous system and is especially harmful to children. "It's one of the most toxic materials around," said Bill   Walker, West Coast spokesman for the nonprofit Environmental Work Group in   San Francisco.   A study released just last week by the New England Journal of Medicine showed   lead levels once thought to be safe in children can seriously retard their mental development.   City's dilemma   Beach said the law does not require a cleanup at the Ventura range "as long   as the soil remains there, and the use of the site does not change from a shooting range."   If the city moves or closes the range, it would be responsible for any   lead-related cleanup -- an expensive proposition -- Montoya said.   Coe said workers put sandbags around the range this year after the soil test   results were complete to keep rain from carrying the soil off site. "We want   to be good neighbors and make sure the dirt stays where it's supposed to be and doesn't run off," Coe said.   But neighbors like Bianco wanted the range moved even before they learned of the lead levels there.

Bianco, who lives on East Vince Street below the   range, said neighbors are subjected to the sounds of gunfire from early morning until early evening.   "The noise gets to be very irritating," said Bianco, 63.   Bianco also cited an incident in early February when neighbors were exposed   to tear gas that drifted down from the range. "Everyone started to sneeze,   and their eyes became irritated," Bianco said. "Kids were running toward   their homes. It was all very scary."   Bianco later learned Santa Paula police had been practicing tear-gas   exercises at the range. Now, the lead levels are Bianco's top concern. "That range has been up there   for 46 years," he said. "Rain water could have carried some of this lead to   my back yard, where I have a vegetable garden."   Most of all, Bianco worries for the children in his neighborhood. "We have a   heavily populated area with enormous numbers of children, all of whom could   have been exposed to this stuff," he said.   Coe said he has done as much as he can to contain the lead since he started   managing the range 31/2 years ago, including sifting through the dirt berm behind the targets and removing bullets.

Still, Coe conceded some lead is left behind. "You're never going to get every little bit of the lead, but we get most of it," he said. John Barrison, owner of the Shooters Paradise inside range in Oxnard, said his patrons can use only environmentally friendly "green bullets," which are covered with nontoxic material to reduce lead releases. But law enforcement agencies prefer to practice with lead bullets because that's what they use in the field, Coe said. Council has mixed opinions. Finding an alternate site that offers everything the Grant Park facility does could be a tall order, according to the study.

For starters, a new range would be subject to more-stringent environmental regulations as well as zoning and noise ordinances. Still, the study identifies several alternate sites, all in the hills and canyons above Ventura. The Grant Park range earned about $57,000 over the past year, according to receipts filed with the city by Ventura Shooting Range Inc., a private   company the city hired to manage the range. Ventura gets only about $3,000 of that, Montoya said. The big benefit comes in the estimated $70,000 to $80,000 a year it would cost if Ventura police had to use a non-city facility for training. "The range is obviously important to us," McCaskill said. But in the end, the range's future will be up to the city, not police, he said. Councilman Jim Monahan, whose Ventura Avenue office is near the range, said he has no problem leaving it put. "Until we have a better place, we should keep it there," he said. But Councilman Brian Brennan called the possibility of lead contamination "a   major concern."   "It's an issue that we should all be looking at," said Brennan, who favors further testing sooner rather than later.

Sacred Site Preservation Presentation by

Vine Deloria, Jr.

Religious sentiment and experience are foremost among the characteristics which distinguish our species from the rest of the organic beings in the world. Over the course of humanity's historical journey, religious experiences have formed the basis of social, political and economic institutions of both a formal and informal nature. American Indians, and many other tribal peoples, represent a long historical tradition in which religious experiences and knowledge, and the requirement of ceremonial participation, are spread more or less evenly throughout a small reasonably homogeneous society. Although American Indians participate in a large variety of religious traditions our concern here will be with that portion of the Indian nation that continues to follow traditional religious practices.

The United States Constitution guarantees, in the Bill of Rights, that the Federal government will not intervene in human social processes to establish a state religion nor will it place burdens upon the free exercise of religious duties and matters of conscience. As the population of a nation increases and its governing institutions are asked to perform more complex functions, innocuous religious behavior once specific to small groups of people becomes disruptive when practiced by increasingly larger groups. In making the proper accommodations to satisfy the followers of particular traditions, the exceptions in the rules which govern mass behavior begin to take on increasingly larger responsibilities. Accordingly, the contemporary social and political scene in the United States has created a great tension between practitioners of traditional American Indian tribal religions and some of the other institutional practices of mainstream society. Complex situations in which decisions regarding land use policies, construction of private and public facilities, and preservation of wildlife species and habitat are new areas of conflict which now affect traditional religious practices. We deal not so much with competition between religious traditions as with the areas in which some religious traditions and the secular arms of government meet, a situation not contemplated by the framers of the Constitution.

Two Supreme Court cases, Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association (485 U.S. 439 1988) and Unemployment Division, Department of Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith (1105 S. Ct. 1595 1990) and the recent amendment to the American Indian Religious Freedom Act (PL 103-344, 42 U.S.C. 1996a) have created a situation in which significant adjustments of Federal and constitutional law have been or will be produced. New understandings of traditional American Indian religions and an expanded philosophy of the Federal responsibility for protecting aspects of Native American traditions, already partially articulated in statutes such as the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, will require more sophisticated understandings, attitudes and activities from all state and Federal agencies in the very near future.

In order to understand the complexity of this change, it is necessary to distinguish some of the characteristics of the tribal religious traditions from concepts and behavior that are familiar to non-indigenous Americans. Attitudes originate in the expectations which our knowledge of a subject encourages us to anticipate and in the case of Native American religious traditions very little accurate information is known. Many stereotypes exist which place these few bits of knowledge in an unfavorable or exotic/esoteric light. A review of some of the more commonly identified characteristics of Native religions will enable us to understand the context within which religious experiences are occurring and producing behavior and activities that vary considerably from the expectations of the various groups of people whose religious traditions incorporate different perspectives.

Religious Contexts

The Mysterious Presence

Native and tribal peoples experience and intuit beneath the plenitude of physical entities in the natural world, the presence of a mysterious, personal energy. One tribe may call this energy Orenda , another tribe may describe it as Puha , a third may refer to it as Manitou , and yet a fourth may refer to this presence as Skan , implying energy with but a hint of personality. In general these words indicate an apprehension of the basic life-force of the universe which flows through or is found in everything. Inherent in this concept is the idea of a guided mission or plan which directs the universe to proceed along certain lines. The task of our species is to become positively aligned with that direction and maintain a balance between the seen and unseen forces that constitute our world. Aside from the words describing the existence of this energetic presence, unlike western and world religions, there is little effort made by traditional practitioners to achieve a clear definition of the substance, the role, or the meaning of this presence. There is, in fact, extreme reluctance to pronounce the sacred name of this mysterious presence and consequently the language of allusion and indirect discourse are used when referring to this mystery. Many tribes have the same prohibition on speaking the sacred name that we see in the Old Testament tradition regarding the Hebrew God. Sacredness, in its first and deepest encounter, requires that a boundary of respect be drawn around our experience and/or knowledge of this personal energetic presence. At the very deepest levels of religious knowledge, Native people do not, and as a rule will not, speculate on the basic functions of ultimate reality. They simply accept it as a given.

Manifestations of the Mysterious Presence

In spite of the speculations of non-Indian scholars, and the sometimes compliant agreement of some Native spokespeople, Native peoples do have a keen sense of the historical process and of the passage of time. Consequently the cumulative historical experiences of each tribe have been distilled over millennia into a complex network of interrelated stories and scenarios in which the interactive experiences of these people with this mysterious power have taken concrete historical-event form. Most tribal traditions begin with the process of creation, continue with migration traditions in which the people move through a variety of worlds, through changing conditions within a particular world, or in pilgrimages across now-familiar landscapes to arrive at designated locations where they are instructed to live. A significant proportion of ceremonial activity enacts the primordial experience of creation or migration and is understood as the primary balancing of cosmic forces to ensure continued existence of the world as we know it.

During the course of the historical journey made by each American Indian tribe, events of major significance take place and various personalities emerge which represent the dominant expressions of this mysterious universal power for the life of any particular tribal people. These personalities are not "gods" in the sense that peoples from the western tradition describe their historical religious personalities but they are endowed with a sacredness which stands in direct contrast to secular activities and beliefs. These personalities are more generally described as "spirits" which is to say that while they have specific roles to play in the creation and continuation of the physical universe, and in the definition of meaning for human societies, they are also known by specific personality traits which in turn define their relationships with human beings and with each other.

Each and every entity that helps to constitute the natural world is believed to partake of the mysterious personal energy and to have parity with every other entity in the sense that all together share responsibility for the physical world and for the creation of meaning within its moving processes as seen in the passage of time. No entity in and of itself has value exceeding that of any other but the roles which various entities are asked to play may vary considerably in significance when understood from the human perspective. Given this cosmic parity, there is very little emphasis on "worshiping" these other entities. Rather the concentration is that of petitioning the spirit to assist the human in certain kinds of tasks and in certain kinds of situations. Ceremonial focus could be said to consist of petitions and thanksgivings for past assistance.

Understanding the Nature of Symbolism

In the western European religious tradition, in its American stepchild (American Christianity), and in some of the non-western world religions such as Buddhism and Hinduism we find a great complex of symbols which remind us of the basic features of religious story lines. Symbols "stand for" realities that we acknowledge as being important to our religious expression. While the symbol may invoke great emotional response in those who see it, there is a sense in which the symbol serves primarily as a communications device and does not, in and of itself, participate in the religious experience. In the western context, when we say that a symbol "represents" a certain religious reality, we intend to communicate the importance of remembering how that particular thing fits into the total scope of our religious understanding. But we intend to convey the meaning that the symbol "stands for" another, higher reality, and that the symbol is not, in and of itself, sacred. Hence we are generally speaking of a device for recalling important teachings.

The Native American and other tribal traditions do not use symbols in this sense. When a religious practitioner in an American Indian ritual or ceremony states that a rock represents the earth or a familiar mountain, the designation means that the earth or the mountain is actually present in the ceremony, present in the same way as if the entity had personally sent a representative to the ceremony with full instructions to participate in the proceedings. Insisting that the entity is actually present means that the ceremonial event is a real and integral part of the ongoing cosmic process. The event then has a historical content and is not simply an occasion when clarity of purpose or communication has been established. In a real sense it is a special kind of intervention in the cosmic process to give meaningful focus to future activities. When the Sioux could no longer use the buffalo in one of their ceremonies there was great debate over which of the new domestic animals brought by the white man could be safely used as a substitute for the bison. Similarities in morphology, function, personal characteristics, and ways of relating to human beings were discussed before it was agreed that the sheep could be used as a substitute for certain kinds of rituals. But some ceremonies have simply been abandoned because they were so animal or bird-specific that substitution could not be made. As an example, occasionally participants in an Eagle Dance will relate how they found themselves suddenly high in the sky circling the dance pavilion, actually experiencing what it means to be an eagle. Other times in Visions, the Eagle appears at first as a human being and then becomes transformed into an eagle. In these two instances we see the sacred dimension of being able to experience what other entities feel and understand about the world. People can feel what it is like to be a plant or animal and, we assume, these other creatures can know what it is like to be human.

Ritual Activity

The purpose of the physical universe, in its most pristine sense, is the coordinated participation of every entity in the activity of full realization of potential. In its purest form the Native American view of the universe is a ritual expression of possibilities and potential performed by various entities coordinated in fulfilling relationships. This expression depends on the awareness of every entity of its responsibility and the relationship of that role to the functions performed by others. The ceremony is a coming-together of the various entities and the merging of the various experiences of individual time to produce a ceremonial moment in which something new in the cosmos takes place.

Obviously, within the physical universe, it is extremely difficult to correlate the "times" of each entity to produce this moment of complete coordination. The world as we experience it, therefore, is a product of the activities of all entities as they attempt to correlate their personal times with the larger cosmic process. "Religion" as practiced and experienced within American Indian tribal communities is a series of rituals with various origin points in the past practiced in an effort to bring harmony and coordination to the present physical universe.

Unlike the Mass or the Passover which both commemorate past historical religious events and which believers understand as also occurring in a timeless setting beyond the reach of the corruption of temporal processes, Native American religious practitioners are seeking to introduce a sense of order into the chaotic physical present as a prelude to experiencing the universal moment of complete fulfillment. Consequently Native American rituals are designed to deal with immediate adjustments of the situation confronting human beings. What may appear to be the most insignificant ritual may actually have great significance in formulating the completeness of the whole. A healing ceremony, for instance, would adjust the health condition of the person receiving the healing, the spirits participating would be able to bring their healing powers into the physical universe, and the other entities, birds, plants, and animals, would experience joy and fulfillment in assisting in the corrective measures being taken.

Participation in ritual activity places on the practitioner a moral/ethical burden in which responsibility for the well-being of the other entities which assisted in the ceremony are assumed. Even when the ceremony requires the killing of a bird or animal or the complete destruction of the plant, it becomes the task of humans to ensure that the other entities have not made sacrifices of their lives in vain. In a real sense, for most Native American traditions, the human being acts as facilitator for a variety of other entities in creating the ceremonial or ritual moment and setting to generate the experience of cosmic completeness of all participating entities. Rituals which ensure the continuation or renewal of the world, or which express thanksgiving for the physical world as we know it can be said to be performed for the benefit of other creatures and only minimally for our species.

Kinds of Ritual Activities

The mysterious, personal energy which exists in all things gives each entity a basis for experiencingcompleteness through participatory rituals when individual identities are seen as physical expressions of the commonality of energetic life. That is to say, the other creatures of creation also find fulfillment in the rituals and their own species' historical experiences are enhanced by their participation. Eagles become more powerful as their participation in rituals increases, and their relationships with other birds and animals becomes more significant. Rituals, therefore, are not restricted to human activity alone and some tribes describe the behavior of plants and animals as ritual practices in which completeness is found without human assistance. Divining the meaning of plant and animal rituals may sometimes produce imitative human behavior. The Plains Indians must certainly have copied the dance of the prairie chicken in some of their rituals although the event during which this incorporation was made is now unknown. Dances honoring the deer, bear, buffalo or other game animals may also have been transferred from wholly animal behavior to human ceremonial importance. Dances for animals in one sense are also suggestions for footwork and expression made by humans to their animal relatives.

Healing

The rituals and ceremonies in which we have an interest for the purposes of this report are those in which human beings, on behalf of other entities, ranging from the Sun, the planet Mother Earth, mountains and rivers, different species of plants and animals, and finally specific groups of people and particular individuals become the focal point and prime participants. The dominant purpose of these rituals and ceremonies are to bring order out of a chaotic situation.Therefore, in modern terms we see healing as the primary goal. Healing can be understood as the means by which adjustments are made in the physical universe so that all entities can function in a manner much closer to their innate Potential. Renewal ceremonies, such as the one described in Chapter Seven, conducted at Fort Hood, are healing activities on behalf of the human beings who participate and the medicine wheel which was originally constructed to serve that purpose.

Thanksgiving

Closely related to the healing activity is that of thanksgiving , which could be described almost as preventive healing in the sense that properly maintained sets of relationships do not create tensions and conflict. Thus ceremonies and dances are performed primarily to honor birds, fish, animals, and particular locations of Native American concern. These ceremonies are the means by which humans give thanks for their good fortune in having relationships with the rest of creation, the thanks being given to particular creatures or locations. The First Salmon ceremony of the Indian nations of the Pacific Northwest and some of the Southwestern United States eagle ceremonies are good examples of this kind of activity.

Vision Quests

Some people see a hierarchy of rituals present in some of the tribal traditions. Viewed cross-culturally, the Vision Quest is the most common way of producing the religious leaders of each successive generation. In a Vision Quest, a young person secludes himself or herself in order to receive a foreknowledge of their life's religious vocation. This particular ritual is a sophisticated effort to discern the specific goals of the temporal processes which seem to direct Native American lives and to place the coming generation in synchronous relationship with them. This ritual is now being revived in a large number of tribes in an effort to reduce the juvenile delinquency problems. In general it consists of a four day fast, under the supervision of an elder, performed by an Indian boy or girl at the onset of puberty. In more precise terminology the Vision Quest is also done by traditional practitioners to maintain their relationship with higher spiritual powers and to ask for additional specific powers or to gain information on particular subjects.

The original goal of this research project was to locate sacred sites connected primarily with the Vision Quest ceremonies because these rituals, being primarily initiatory, were essential to the continuing process of providing medicine people and spiritual leaders for Native American communities. It was anticipated that conflicts between traditional spiritual practitioners and military installations might revolve about the question of access to sacred sites on military lands for Vision Quest purposes. As the number of probable sacred sites increased it began to appear that the Vision Quest problem might not be as severe as anticipated. The mass of materials began to dictate a much different arrangement of data and the inclusion of other kinds of sites which have the potential for becoming publicly acknowledged by religious leaders of Native American communities. The changing nature of Native American religious concerns now appears to be more aggressive in identifying and protecting locations that would not have been made public in the past. As more sacred sites become a part of Native American and non-Indian awareness, there is no question that Vision Quest activities will be seen as part of more sacred locations. However the sense of urgency with respect to the Vision Quest locations, inspired perhaps by the Northwest Indian Cemetery Protection Association problems with the government, is considerably less than anticipated. In actual practice, DoD base commanders can expect that requests for memorial and condolence ceremonies related to existing sites already known or burials uncovered during construction or use of installation lands will be the most numerous. It is highly unlikely that new use requests would be made by present-day practitioners. The resolution of the problem of the medicine wheel and cemetery at Fort Hood would be the exception not the rule in these cases.

Condolence

The last kind of Native American ritual activity which may be encountered that might depend on access to a particular location deal with condolence, mourning, or memorial activities . In some of the tribal traditions these ceremonies greatly resemble similar kinds of services performed by the Christian priests and ministers and Jewish rabbis. Basically they help people deal with the loss of loved ones, commemorate members of the community who have been helpful or respected, and sometimes provide a direct linkage between generations of people separated by time and the passage of years. Some years ago a mixture of traditional Sioux spiritual leaders and Sioux priests and ministers cooperated to perform a memorial and reburial ceremony/service for the people's remains found in the excavation of a village near the Big Bend of the Missouri. In practice we can anticipate that DoD base commanders will have more contact with these ceremonies than with the Vision Quest, World Renewal, or other ceremonies.

Rituals and Sacred Places

Of particular importance for this study, for DoD, and for the state and Federal agencies who will be dealing with the religious/cultural concerns and practices of Native Americans is the relationship of particular locations to the practice of traditional Native American religions. Tribal religions view the landscape as an integral part of religious experience because it is not only the locus for human experience but the earth itself is a living entity and manifests its relationship to all forms of life by sustaining them. Landscapes have interlocking sets of locations which are holy in and of themselves because they are the most specific means whereby the earth can relate to lesser entities.

Over the course of thousands of years, Native Americans have discerned the various sacred sites which have power; that is to say, manifest the energy and concern of the earth. Sometimes several tribes will have discovered the sacredness of a site and become aware of the proper ceremonies that must be performed there. Bear Butte and the Sangre de Cristo mountains of New Mexico are good examples of multi-tribal sacred sites. A number of mountains in southeastern Utah have the same status. Within traditional occupancy areas and along ancient migration routes are more locations that have a religious significance to particular Indian tribes. The knowledge of these locations has been passed down within certain families who performed ceremonies for many generations.

In contrast, western and some other world religions also have sacred places and shrines but these sites generally mark the location where historical religious events took place: Mt. Sinai, Mecca, Jerusalem, and other locations. Through ceremonial activities these religions set aside or consecrate locations that then take on significance for the followers and becomes the focus of ceremonial activities. These religions also have the practice of consecrating a location and establishing a shrine where practitioners can worship. The consecration then removes the location from the secular world and places it within the scope of continuing religious activities.

When dealing with public lands or lands controlled by Federal agencies, it is possible to provide non-Native American religious bodies with tracts of land which they can consecrate and use for religious purposes. The location can be almost anywhere of convenience. Native American religious traditions, however, can only use a specific location which is already known to be sacred. In use of geographic locations, therefore, the non-Native American religious bodies can accommodate almost any assignment and make use of it; Native American religious bodies must use particular locations or they cannot continue their ceremonial life.

Sacred Objects

Perceiving a living universe, manifested by the presence of the mysterious life energy in everything, tribal religious traditions understood objects used for religious purposes as possessing the mysterious power which made the universe function. Rituals almost always require the participation of the other creatures of the creation and consequently ritual practices require the collection of plants and animals, minerals and clays, stone, and some ceremonial form of setting these objects aside once they have been used ritually.

Objects used in rituals may have sacred significance for only a duration of time, while some ritual objects are thought to have existed since creation. As an example of time-limited objects, the Zuni make war gods of wood which have status and an active function within the Zuni ceremonial life but which, after a designated period of time, are then placed in special locations where they are returned to the natural world through the processes of decay and erosion.

The classification of objects as having ceremonial potency depends upon the designated practitioners of the respective tribal religious traditions and not upon use or misuse or possession by secular individuals. In terms of designation or classification of objects which might be found on United States military lands, the best course of action for DoD resource managers concerned about the treatment of those objects is to contact practitioners of the most probable Native religious tradition and seek their advice on how to handle the situation.

Sacredness within the traditional Indian religions does not depend upon a hierarchical arrangement ofceremonies or objects, but upon existing and possible future sets of relationships between living entities. Attempting to evaluate the relative importance of certain kinds of practices or materials from outside the religious context is difficult if not impossible. Forcing religious experiences into foreign interpretive frameworks does violence to the understanding of the factors that are actually involved. Misunderstandings and transfers of emphasis can lead to embarrassment and conflict that is unnecessary.

A great deal of Native American religious knowledge has been lost over the last century. Consequently many locations which would have invoked a sense of reverence long ago may not have the same status among practitioners of the religion today. The purpose of existing and contemplated Federal and state laws which seek to grant access to sacred sites or set aside locations of the gathering of ritual objects is in accord with the resurgence of many tribal traditions which have been illegally and immorally suppressed during the immediate past. These efforts are good faith attempts to reconcile the practices of traditional Native religions with the requirements of mass society and its institutions today.

In terms of the expectations which DoD base commanders can anticipate that relate to sacred objects, apart from personal goods which might be found in burials, the objects most important will be those natural substances that were or are used in ceremonies. Already several U.S. military installations have worked out arrangements with a tribal government allowing gathering of plants. While sacred objects are represented by a much wider variety of religious paraphernalia, such as prayer feathers and wands, strips of cloth, and designed figures made during ceremonies, concern in general should focus on the plants and minerals which are necessary for ritual use.

Summary

The context within which Native American religious expression is found and understood is that of a living universe which has, as its basic ground, a mysterious personal energy that pervades and energizes everything. Although this great energy is to be found in every entity which humans encounter, it is the specific manifestations of this energy in historical events that particularizes the sacred into sets of powers and personalities with whom the tribal community has a relationship.

Traditionally many societies have reached the conclusion that a "High God" or solitary deity exists by reference to the orderliness of the natural world or through the demonstration by logical reasoning. This deity is intellectually and conceptually pleasing but we do not find it present in very many Native American religious traditions. Instead we find vaguely defined beliefs inside vast and very complex ceremonial practices. Since the mysterious power can manifest itself in the historical moment without projecting a sense of absolute revelation, in the western European and American sense, there is no conflict among or between tribes as to the form and substance of ultimate reality.

The basic requirement of Native American ritual activities is that all creatures of creation be granted access to the ceremonies. The transformation of natural objects without specific instructions from the spirits was regarded as a violation of the integrity of the other entities. Therefore, use of natural objects usually conforms closely to their original state. A good example of this practice is in the treatment of peyote for religious purposes. The Native American Church does not alter the peyote button in any way, since that would be a violation of the spirit of the plant. Indian people regard the processing of the plants to find a chemical derivative as a dreadful act. With the exception of placing sacred objects at certain locations, traditional Native American people do not, as a rule, attempt to construct buildings such as churches and chapels at sacred sites. Everything in the physical world is believed to have its own integrity. The task of religious practitioners, therefore, is to create the minimum disruption of the site and cause the minimum disruption of the lives of other creatures while performing ceremonial functions on behalf of these entities.

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Red Rocks

California Indian Video Webcast Now On Line

The California Indian Educational Network (CIEN) and Red Rocks presents Native American educational videos online at www.cccsat.com.

CIEN's purpose is to empower Native American sovereignty and education through media technologies; to produce, air, and edit Native American programming; to support Native American arts, language and computer literacy, media access, health services, community relations, college and K-12 pedagogy.

California Indian Educational Network (CIEN) was created in December 2002, in

order to broadcast, webcast, and archive Native American educational content.

CIENís new technology provides opportunities for expanded education, training, business development and sharing of cultural knowledge and resources. The CIEN Action Committee is comprised of several representatives from academic, media, and tribal institutions from across California.  

CIEN broadcasts via the Internet through a link in the California Community College's Satellite Network (CCCSAT) web site. CCCSAT broadcasts the programs on its Affiliates Contribution Network and reaches 108 California Community Colleges and several Native American centers, with downlinks as well as homes and offices that have internet capacity. The potential audience is worldwide, although present efforts are centered in California.

Red Rocks is just one of the many programs featured on CIEN, which is a music/cultural series developed and produced by director, Mo Sonoquie (Chumash, Apache) out of the Santa Barbara Public Access Station, were it also shows weekly. Red Rocks, hosted by Niki Sandovol (Chumash) highlights traditional and contemporary Native artists whose music reflects their histories, cultures, and current realities.   Mo also contributes other documentaries such as, On the River with Glen Moore, Sr.- Yurok Elder and Thonok ñ Seaweed on Coyote Valley Pomo gatherers.  

Current programs also include media events, documentaries, exercise shows and other Indian-produced programs.   In the very near future, programs will also be available On Demand.   For daily schedules check our website at: www.cccsat.com.

Watch California Indian Educational Network from your home computer, community center, or community college.

For more information contact:

Mo Sonoquie at sonoquie@hotmail.com or "http://www.cmactv.com" www.cmactv.com, or call (805)963-3893

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Celebrating Native American Heritage

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THE SEVENTH GENERATION - HIGHLIGHTING ABORIGINAL YOUTH

DOCUMENTARIES - ON NATIVE HEALTH, CULTURE AND BOOKS

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Times are subject to change.   Updates at   www.cmactv.com , local paper, email info@chumash.org , or call (805)963-3893